In their own words

The Cyprus issue in quotations

Greek Cypriot | Turkish | Turkish Cypriot | UN | US | British | Miscellaneous


Greek Cypriot

“Unless Turkey removes it troops out of Cyprus, no solution is possible… a solution that rewards Turkey’s invasion will never work but bring about additional hardship for the little island… Cypriots on the other hand have been quite passive in the manner of the allegory of the frogs; where they exist in a pond ignorant of the fact that the water is gradually being heated to the point they become lethargic and no longer have the will or the strength to escape until boiled to death. Today people find themselves in scorching deep water without the resolve to jump out to save themselves.”
Andreas Chrysafis, in ‘Vanishing Cyprus, A Political Feast’, May 2015


“To become a refugee is like taking a plant out of a pot and throwing it out. When you lose your city, you lose your friends, your way of life, your whole world.”
George Mouktaris, refugee from Varosi, 2011


“…the objective of the Turkish side is the political upgrading of the pseudo-state, the dissolution of the Cyprus Republic, the creation of two separate legal entities and the maintenance and deepening of the division…”
President Tassos Papadopoulos, 4 November 2009


“They knowingly moved into other people’s land… they knowingly put themselves into this situation… they could’ve bought property that belonged to Turkish Cypriots… but they went for the risky option.”
Constantis Candounas, lawyer of Greek Cypriot refugee Meletis Apostolides, on the Orams who illegally acquired Mr Apostolides’ land in occupied Cyprus. ‘Mediterranean Nightmares’, Tonight programme, ITV, 5 June 2009


“All were stunned by what they had seen – the atrocious conditions the enclaved lived in, the destruction to our cultural heritage and total lack of respect to thousands of years of Greek European civilisation.”
Greek Cypriot reflects on his visit to his family home in occupied Cyprus, 2008


“Turkey occupied 37 percent of the territory of Cyprus and carried out the greatest national cleansing campaign, in relation to the size of the population, in modern European history.”
George Georgis, Ambassador of Cyprus to Athens, 16 July 2005


“Reading through the detailed 26-page report [to Security Council] there is a total absence of any reference to the basic cause of the Cyprus problem, the Turkish invasion, the 30-year- occupation and its consequences, whose legitimisation through the Annan Plan is the basic reason for its rejection by the Greek Cypriots in the referendum.”
Cyprus Weekly on UN Secretary General Annan’s report on Cyprus (S/2004/437), 3 June 2004


“With so many international crises on his plate, he [Kofi Annan] may not be fully informed about the true situation in Cyprus, and is forced to depend too much on the advice of intermediaries like Messrs Hannay and Weston, whose objective is not the upholding of UN principles and respect for human rights and international law, but the defence of their national interests.”
Cyprus Weekly, 30 April 2004


“Every time there there was a new version of the plan it was worse than the previous one. Why is the world doing this to us?”
Lianna, Greek Cypriot, BBC News online, regarding the proposed UN-sponsored Annan Plan, 1 April 2004


“After 1 May I will be able to settle anywhere I like in Europe, but I won’t have the right to return to the [proposed] Turkish Cypriot state where I was born. So why should I vote for it?”
Orania, Greek Cypriot refugee, BBC News online, regarding the proposed UN-sponsoredAnnan Plan, 1 April 2004


“This plan rewards the Turkish invasion… we had to leave our homes and land,we lost our parents and grandparents and grandparents and now the Turks get to stay.”
Maria, Greek Cypriot quoted in BBC News online, regarding the proposed UN-sponsored Annan Plan, 1 April 2004


“Without substantive financial costing, the Annan plan will fail to resolve the issue permanently: Rather, it will complicate it further, especially during the first crucial years of the new state’s operation, with tremendous dangers for social harmony and peace.”
Dinos Lordhos in Politis newspaper on the proposed Annan Plan, 30 March 2004


“Even though Turkey gets the lion’s share in the fourth plan of the UN secretary-general it appears displeased. And like a patient suffering from bulimia, it seeks more.”
Haravghi newspaper on the proposed UN-sponsored Annan Plan, 30 March 2004


“The overwhelming majority of Greek Cypriots yesterday felt they had drawn the short straw in the fourth version of the Annan plan, with the general feeling that they would reject the blueprint come referendum day, whatever the consequences might be.”
Phileleftheros newspaper on the proposedUN-sponsored Annan Plan, 30 March 2004


“Instead of Turkey being democratized so as to join the European Union, Cyprus will be de-democratized. And it shall join the EU in a political system that bears little connection with the acquis communautaire…”
Simerini newspaper on the Annan Plan, 2 February 2004


“… a link between people and resources has been broken, a destructive, aggressive act, the opposite of the creativity which constructed the community for a very long time… There is a record of a village called Argaki in 1825, but in 1630, the Dutch cartographer Blau shows a community called Ariati on roughly the place where Argaki is today. The construction of Argaki took thousands of days; the destruction only one.”
P Loizos in ‘The uprooting of a Cypriot village’ 25 June 1977


“The International Committee of the Red Cross has confirmed the information according to which all the able-bodied men of the village of Bellapais have been arrested by the Turkish army and most of them have already been sent to Turkey. The number of the arrested civilians amounts to about 2,000. All of them, despite the fact that they were arrested in the central square of this village and unarmed, were considered by Turkish authorities as ‘prisoners of war’.”
Ambassador Zenon Rossides of the Republic of Cyprus, letter to UN Secretary-General, 6 December 1974 (UN Document S/11569) on the deportations out of occupied Bellapais


“On 23 August 1974, in the Kyrenia stadium, out of 200 soldiers and civilians in the stadium thirty were taken to the Turkish Cypriot part of Nicosia and were subsequently released. All the others were shot and killed.”
Ambassador Zenon Rossides, of the Republic of Cyprus, letter to UN Secretary-General, 5 September 1974 (Expanded Number S-0903-0006-04-00001, Container S-0903-0006: Peacekeeping – Cyprus 1971-1981, UN Archives)


“On August 31, 1974, the Turkish Forces entered the village of Aheritou, Famagusta district, and took away fifteen Greek Cypriots. On the same day, at 3:30 p.m., the corpse of ******, aged 68, and ******, aged 60, were found at a distance of 500 meters north of the village. Both had their eyes taken out and their corpses filled with bullets.”
Ambassador Zenon Rossides, of the Republic of Cyprus, letter to UN Secretary-General, (Source: Expanded Number S-0903-0006-04-00001, Container S-0903-0006: Peacekeeping – Cyprus 1971-1981, UN Archives.)


“They separated the men from the women and shot the 12 men. Those killed ranged from a 12-year-old boy to an old man in his 90s.”
Vassilios Efthimiou, hotel manager who was the only survivor in a party of men seized by invading Turkish forces. ‘Barbarians’, The Sun, 8 August 1974


“My fiance and six men were shot dead. The Turkish soldiers laughed at me and then I was raped.”
Greek Cypriot girl aged 20, ‘Barbarians’, The Sun, 8 August 1974


“The Turkish soldiers cut off my father’s hands and legs. Then they shot him while I watched.”
Greek Cypriot woman aged 32, ‘Barbarians’, The Sun, 8 August 1974


“They shot the men. My friend’s wife said ‘Why should I live without my husband?’ A soldier shot her in the head.”
Greek Cypriot farmer aged 51, ‘Barbarians’, The Sun, 8 August 1974


“A country cannot be independent and at the same time be subject to outside intervention, and be placed under an overhanging threat of invasion from another country on the preposterous claim that military intervention – in violation of the Charter – can be sanctioned as a lawful procedure under any treaty… such logic would make nonsense of the Charter and of the main purpose for which the UN was established: the maintenance of peace and freedom.”
Zenon Rossides, Cyprus chief UN delegate, letter published in New York Times, 27 June 1964


Turkish

‘I am calling out to Europeans who are shaking their fingers at us: Turkey is not a country to be hustled around; it is not a country whose honor is to be played with, whose ministers are to be kicked out and whose citizens are to be jostled on the streets … If you keep up with this attitude, tomorrow no European or Western people will be able to walk in the streets with peace and safety in any place in the world … If you open this dangerous path, you will suffer the greatest damage.’
President Erdogan, ‘Turkey not a country to be jostled: Erdogan’, Hurriyet, 22 March 2017 (Note: 22 March was the day of the terrorist attack on Westminster Bridge and precincts of the Palace of Westminster)


“As the whole world witnessed, what Turkey did in 1974 and still celebrates is the planned executions, deaths, destruction, massive ethnic cleansing and ongoing cultural and demographic rape that it has committed in Cyprus. What happened was an invasion, and Turkey remains an alien invader in Cyprus. History tells the story: Cyprus has been Hellenic for 3,500 years and Christian for 2,000 years. Never did the Turkish Cypriot minority, during its brief presence on Cyprus, hold on to any contiguous part of the island. From 1,500 BCE into the 20th century, the occupied north, like the entire island, was always Greek, and later, Christian.”
Uzay Bulut, in ‘Turkey, Cyprus and Israel’, 28 July 2014


“…the west, understandably obsessed by its own security concerns and strategies, looks the other way at the Turkish government’s abuses… I want the west to stop shielding a government with such little regard for the values of freedom”
Safak Pavey, Turkish opposition MP, The Guardian, 10 June 2013


“Ungrateful dependents.”
Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan referring to Turkish Cypriot activists who demonstrated in occupied Cyprus with signs reading:

“F–k you Turkey… We do not want you, your money, your soldiers or your bureaucrats.”
Hurriyet Daily News, 18 July 2011


“You don’t have babies and you also oppose us sending people [from Turkey to the occupied territory]. If you don’t want us to send people, you need to have babies.”
Turkish prime minister Erdogan, responding to complaints by Turkish Cypriots on the issue of Turkey’s continuing colonisation of occupied Cyprus with Turkish nationals, a violation of the Geneva convention, July 2011


“What happened in Cyprus with the Annan plan in reality has nothing to do with the Turkish Cypriots, but the main issue was Turkey’s accession into the European Union and the pseudo-state was used as pawn.”
Eser Karakas, Professor at Bahcesehir University, Turkey, as quoted in ‘Haravgi’ (Greek Cypriot) newspaper, 27 October 2004


“The latest version of the Annan plan is a success for Turkish foreign policy and the Turkish government. With the latest form of the plan, the Turkish Cypriots gain many rights which they were unable to get even with the London and Zurich agreements [in 1959-60]. The Turkish side has also had some objections to this [latest version], but the Greek Cypriots are objecting to nearly all of it. The Annan plan in this form should be signed immediately.”
Fatih Altayli, Hurriyet newspaper, on proposed UN-sponsored Annan Plan, March 2004


“The Turkish side believes that most of its demands are satisfied.”
Mehmet Ali Birand in Posta newspaper, on proposed UN-sponsored Annan Plan, March 2004


“It’s clear that the Greek Cypriots are uncomfortable about the result… On the Turkish side, it’s observed that there is a cautious waiting instead of an atmosphere of incredible satisfaction and victory.”
Fikret Bila, Milliyet newspaper, on proposed UN-sponsored Annan Plan, March 2004


“Even if there was not one single Muslim Turk over there [in Cyprus], Turkey would have to maintain a Cyprus question. No country could possibly be indifferent to an island like this, placed in the heart of its vital space.”
Ahmet Davutoglu, Turkish foreign minister, ‘Strategic Depth’, 2001


“No country could possibly be indifferent to an island like this, positioned at the heart of its Lebensraum [living space]. The same applies to the Dodecanese islands… which continue to retain their importance for Turkey… so Turkey is obliged from a strategic point of view to take an interest in Cyprus, regardless of any human factor.”
Ahmet Davutoglu, Turkish Prime Minister, in ‘Strategic Depth’, 2001


“Once you [Turkish Cypriots] quit, you renounce your rights. There is no shortage of replacements. Don’t you worry, we would never leave those lands empty. For every Cypriot Turk leaving the island, we will send a Turk from Turkey.”
Former Turkish Foreign Minister Soysal addressing Turkish Cypriots in London, 1996


“We will break the hands of anyone who touches our flag… touching our flag is akin to touching one of our women.”
Tansu Ciller, Turkish Foreign Minister following the murder of Solomos Solomou by Turkish security forces as he attempted to remove the Turkish flag of occupation in Cyprus, 1996


“…we are being held back by democracy and human rights.”
Turkish Deputy Chief of Staff, General Ahmet Corecki, on Turkey’s attempts to crush Kurdish movement, July 1995


“…the moment I set foot here [occupied area of Cyprus], I felt myself in one of the provinces, towns and villages of Turkey. There is no difference.

“It is possible that there are people who will take advantage of my visit here to make a great fuss. Do not pay any attention to them. They have always been brawlers. We have recognised their ancestors in the Aegean, we have recognised their ancestors in Smyrna, we have recognised their ancestors in Dumluplinar; for this reason we have never attributed any importance to them, there is no importance, let them saw whatever they want; were  they able to stop my visit? I am here in front of you.”
Ozal, Turkish prime minister, in occupied Nicosia, July 1986


“I believe it was first during the Ottoman period and later under the British rule that the Greeks immigrated to the island.”
Ozal, Turkish prime minister, International Herald Tribune, 2 June 1986


“They say we do not covet the territories lying outside our nation’s sovereign territory. This is wrong. All the nations have their great ideology. In that case, what is the Turkish army seeking in Cyprus? Cyprus does not lie within the frontiers of our national territory.”
Professor Kuran, at the ‘Turkey’s problems’ symposium, referring to the presence of Turkey’s troops on the territory of the Republic of Cyprus, 2 February 1986


“Speaking from a purely strategic point of view we could say that for Turkey’s security, a safe Cyprus is a Cyprus which would be, in its entirety, under Turkish control.”
A Gurkan, Turkish journalist and historian, in Kibris Postasi, 20 December 1983


“The explosion sparked off a night of riots in Nicosia. Turkish Cypriots burned and looted Greek shops and homes. Soon came counter-attacks and the fighting spread around the island. A friend of mine, whose name must still be kept secret, was to confess to me that he had put this little bomb in the doorway in order to create an atmosphere of tension so that people would know that the Turkish Cypriots mattered.”
Emin Dirvana, former Turkish diplomat. ‘End of Empire: Cyprus, Britain’s Grim Legacy’ ITV documentary, 22 July 1984


“One point we should never forget is that the intervention of Turkey in Cyprus was not effected solely for the ‘blue eyes’ of the Turkish Cypriot community… it also intervened moved by consideration of its own strategic interest.”
Mehmet Ali Birand, Turkish newspaper Millyet, 13 March 1984


“Cyprus is an island which pierces the middle of Turkey like a dagger. It is extremely vital from the viewpoint of our security. It is extremely vital from the viewpoint of our security. The island should not be in enemy hands. The existence of Turks in northern Cyprus is a guarantee in this direction.”
Ozal, Prime Minister of Turkey (referring to the illegal ‘UDI’ of the occupied area of November 1983), Millyet, 1983


“The islands of Limnos and Lesvos… are lands necessary to us not only as part of the heritage of the Ottoman state but for our security as well. We want these islands…”
Burhan Felek, president of Journalists’ Union of Istanbul, Milliyet newspaper, 3 February 1982


“…we are not dealing here with a mere duty but with a mission. Our mission is to make Cyprus our motherland.”
Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, Turkish Foreign Minister, 1980


“Cyprus is valuable as a right arm for a country interested in its own defence of for its own expansionist aims if it harbours such aims. If we don’t keep in mind this strategic importance of Cyprus we cannot understand the peace operation of 20 July or rather it is impossible to understand the whole Cyprus crisis… ”

Many states, to a certain extent because it suits their interests, want to see the Cyprus problem as our desire to protect the Turkish community on the island. Whereas the actual problem is the security of 45 million Turks in the motherland together with the Turks in the island and the maintenance of the balance in the Middle East.”
Turan Gunes, who was Minster of Foreign Affairs of Turkey during the 1974 Turkish invasion of Cyprus, Hurriyet newspaper, 20 July 1980


“The Turkish Armed Forces have neve been pushed out by pen from the place they have entered with bayonet.”
Ihsan Sabri Caglayangil, Turkish Foreign Minister, 1980


“All the Aegean islands off the Turkish mainland, including the Dodecanese islands, must belong to Turkey.”
Alparslan Turkes, Turkish Deputy Prime Minister, March 1976


“Cyprus is the first step towards the Aegean.”
Turkish Foreign Minister Melih Esenbel, 22 January 1975


“Half the Aegean belongs to us. This is what the world must know. If the honour and interests of the Turkish nation are attacked we shall crush the head of the enemy.”
Turkish Prime Minister Sadi Irmak


“I was informed that on 7 June 1958 a bomb had been planted in the Turkish press office in Nicosia by persons who, as was later established, had nothing to do with the Greek Cypriots. The Turks of Nicosia were then incited to be overwhelmed by holy indignation and perpetrated acts similar to those committed on 6 and 7 September 1955 in Istanbul.”
Former Turkish diplomat, Emin Dirvana, in Turkish newspaper Milliyet, 15 June 1964


“Cyprus will be divided into two sections, one of which will join Turkey.”
Kemal Satir, Vice-president of Turkey, 1964


“The radical solution… would be to cede one part of Cyprus to Greece and other, closest to the Turkish Asiatic coast, to Turkey.”
Turkish Foreign Minister Erkin, June 1964


“Denktash has also accused me of not allowing the memory of the Turks who fell in 1958 to be honoured and flags to be hoisted at half-mast. I feel ashamed on his behalf because he distorts the truth to such an extent, I am sorry but I must give an answer. The Turks of Cyprus honour the memory of their dead on 28 January. On that day in 1958, a number of Turkish Cypriots were killed by in a clash with the British. On that day I too attended the ceremony with all the staff of the embassy and the contingent officers. Denktash, however, wanted also the 7 June to be celebrated. Dr Kuchuk was hesitant and came to consult me. I was informed that on 7 June, 1958, a bomb had been planted in the Turkish Press Office in Nicosia by persons, who, as was established later, had nothing to do with the Greek Cypriots. The Turks of Nicosia were then incited ‘to be overwhelmed by their holy indignation’ and perpetrated acts similar to those committed on the 6 and 7 September, 1955, in Istanbul.”
Emin Dirvana, Turkish ambassador to Cyprus, Milliyet newspaper, 15 May 1964


“The importance of Cyprus to Turkey does not arise from a single cause; it is a necessary which emanates from the exigencies of history, geography, economy and military strategy, from the right to existence and security, which is the most sacred of every state, in short, from the very nature of things.”
Turkish Foreign Minister Zorlu, 1955


“The turn of Cyprus is yet to come.”
Mustapha Kemal ‘Ataturk’ on Turkey’s colonisation and annexation of Alexandretta in Syria, 1939


“The Turk is the only master in his country. Those who are not pure Turks have one right in this country: The right to be servants, the right to be slaves.”
Turkish Minister of Justice, Milliet newspaper, 30 September 1930


“In case of the smallest resistance, every soldier must perform his duty to murder these men in large numbers. The fatherland orders so. You must not neglect to perform your duty: every soldier is obliged to kill four to five Greeks for our country’s grandeur. Every soldier is obliged to carry out the contents of this order.”
The order of Nourredin, Chief of the Turkish army in Smyrna (now renamed Izmir by Turkey) for the slaughter of the indigenous Greek population, 1922


“We have driven out our Greek subjects and done everything to uproot them, as well as the Armenians. To this end we applied methods similar to those used in the Middle Ages.”
Turkish journalist Edip Hanem, 1918


“The extermination of the Christian [Greek and Armenian] population was an unforgettable crime… It was a crime committed for no reason.”
Turkish Senator Damad Ferid Pasha, 1918


Turkish Cypriot

“The fascist oppression imposed on Turkish citizens criticising the violation of human rights, democracy and freedom is now also being directed towards the EU citizens living in the [Turkish occupied] north of the island… I call upon you to take action on the matter of the oppression of the Turkish Cypriots.”
Sener Elcil, head of Turkish Cypriot teachers’ union, in letter to President of European Parliament Tajani, May 2017


“Who showed as an excuse this coup, interfered militarily in Cyprus and occupied half of the island? Guarantor Turkey! Who distributed the property of the Greek Cypriots, whom he sent away, to the population he brought and settled from Turkey? Guarantor Turkey! Who boasts of changing all the international balances without withdrawing a single soldier, without giving a handful of land? Guarantor Turkey! Who does not recognise and ignores the Republic of Cyprus, which is recognised by the entire world? Guarantor Turkey! And finally who remained only a spectator to all these disgraces, to these illegal fait accompli, who said nothing against the island being divided in two, like a watermelon, by Turkey with the use of force of weapons and with costing the lives of thousands of people and [who said nothing] to the establishment of an illegal state dependent on Turkey and therefore who became an accomplice to the war and the crime against humanity that caused bloodshed on the island? Guarantor Britain!”
Columnist Mehmet Levent under the title ‘Guarantorship’ in Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika, responds to a statement by President Erdogan who insists that Turkey will not abandon its position as ‘guarantor’ in Cyprus, 29 May 2015


“From the very first day of our publication, we have been writing that we are under Turkey’s occupation and that we have to seriously struggle against this occupation. However, there are still some people who do not accept this. They treat a puppet government as a real government and a puppet parliament as a real parliament. That is why they ask why officials from Turkey are heading some of our institutions, as if this is something new… These questions should have been asked a long time ago.”
Newspaper article ‘But you still do not accept the occupation, do you?’ in Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika, occupied Cyprus, 4 March 2015


“Occupier Turkey get out of Cyprus! …Ankara get your hands off the Turkish Cypriots!”
Turkish Cypriot slogans at anti- Turkey demonstration in occupied Cyprus, 7 April 2011


“They placed barbed wire between the north and the south. They did that because they considered one side as the enemy… These are our enemies. Those who are afraid of the people…”

“I am here because they consider the Turkish Cypriot community as nonexistent.”

“As Turkish Cypriots we want to recover our will from those who have usurped it so that we will not disappear… We live in a fascist establishment… We seek the creation of a democratic establishment… and as a continuation that we will reunite Cyprus.”

“Turkey… has enslaved us. It first brought its army and then brought its population. It grabbed the properties of the people. It created refugees… the ‘Turkish Republic of Cyprus’ is nothing more than Turkey’s back yard. They interfere with our flag, the flag of the Republic of Cyprus, the most beautiful flag in the world.”

“Let the occupation come to an end… I only hold the flag and identity of my country [Republic of Cyprus]. Let the occupation come to an end… We don’t want Turkey here… We want a free reunited Cyprus… This is my second flag. The first one was grabbed off me by the occupation ‘police’… ”
Turkish Cypriot speakers demonstrating against Turkey and its puppet regime in occupied Cyprus, 7 April 2011


“One night a bulldozer and truck came and the [Greek Cypriot] mass grave was emptied. They used the guise of having a [Turkish] ‘military exercise’ to cover up the emptying of the mass grave… they emptied the grave and loaded the remains on the truck and the truck went away… Then came the excavation team of the Cyprus Missing Persons Committee and dug the mass grave… They would only find some knee caps, small bones, some teeth but not the actual remains… The mass grave had been emptied already…”
Remarks made to investigative reporter Sevgul Uludag by a Turkish Cypriot at Kornokipos village, in occupied Cyprus


“Erdogan is no guest, but the landlord.”
Representative of Turkey’s puppet regime on the Turkish Prime Minister’s visit to occupied Cyprus, in Turkish Cypriot daily Halkin Sesi, 19 July 2011


“I only hold the flag and identity of my country [Republic of Cyprus]. Let the occupation come to an end… We don’t want Turkey here… We want a free reunited Cyprus… This is my second flag. The first one was grabbed off me by the occupation ‘police’…”
Turkish Cypriot demonstrating against Turkey and its puppet regime in occupied Cyprus, 7 April 2011


“They placed barbed wire between the north and the south. They did that because they considered one side as the enemy… These are our enemies. Those who are afraid of the people…”
Turkish Cypriot demonstrating against Turkey and its puppet regime in occupied Cyprus, 7 April 2011


“…the demographic structure in north Cyprus has been violated. The demographic structure has been knowingly and deliberately changed. The method is wrong. The method is a war crime, an injustice and against the international law.”
Serhat Incirli in Turkish Cypriot daily Afrika on the Turkish colonisation of occupied Cyprus, 3 May 2006


“…there were times when ‘citizenship of the TRNC’ had been given in restaurants. There are people who never came to Cyprus, yet they were given ‘citizenship’.”
Former Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat in Turkish Cypriot newspaper Vatan, 24 October 2005


“”Cypriot Turks carried out a revolution?”, says Mehmet Ali Talat. Professor from Turkey Eser Karakas says exactly the opposite. He says, Cypriot Turks were spent as pawns… But, we continued to be daydreamers. We continue to be so even when we are told in our face that we are a pawn. At present, we are proud of ourselves as revolutionaries for having successfully planned with our occupiers the process of putting ourselves in an icebox as valuable hostages.”
Sener Levent in Afrika (Turkish Cypriot newspaper), 25 October 2004


“…we continued to be day- dreamers. We continue to be so even when we are told in our face that we are a pawn. At present, we are proud of ourselves as revolu- tionaries for having successfully planned with our occupiers the process of putting ourselves in an icebox as valuable hostages.”
Sener Levent in Turkish Cypriot newspaper Afrika, 25 October 2004


“Our [Turkish Cypriot] people should know that launching a yes campaign and eulogizing the unseen fourth plan is nothing but defeatism, and as such should not be taken in by the propaganda of lies.”
Sabahattin Ismail in Turkish Cypriot newspaper Afrika on the proposed Annan Plan, 31 March 2004


“We are exceedingly pleased with the press reaction to the UN Secretary General’s latest draft plan for a solution. My joy stems as much from Annan’s pro-Turkish stance as it does from the nature of the Greek Cypriot outcry. We never saw such a Greek Cypriot uproar during any of the previous negotiations. My view is that it is because, for the first time, we have a draft solution supporting Turkish interests to such an extent.”
Hasan Ercakica in Turkish Cypriot newspaper Yeniduzen on the proposed Annan Plan, 31 March 2004


“We got what we wanted!”
Headline in Turkish Cypriot newspaper Yeniduzen on the proposed Annan Plan, 31 March 2004


“We live in a dictatorship, run by the Turkish military and their cohort, Denktash… You can live a normal life here if you keep quiet, if you don’t tell the truth that we live under Turkish occupation, that much of our territory is a military zone where we can’t go… I want a unified Cyprus that can join the European Union, not for economic reasons, but to have a democracy, to have European laws with respect for human rights. We don’t want to live under Turkish law.”
Sener Levent, editor/publisher of Afrika newpaper, May 2003


“‘I feel very bad because the owner of the house is here and she is crying.’ Her husband, Adnan, said: “This house is not our house. This house is your house.’”
Turkish Cypriots quoted in ‘I’m happy to be home, so sad I can’t stay’ by Colin Brown, the Telegraph (The article follows a Greek Cypriot family visiting their occupied village of Ayios Amvrosios and meeting the Turkish Cypriots currently residing in their property),  27 April 2003


“It is not possible for Ankara and Denktash to continue their old despotism. Even if they do not recognize and exclude the Republic of Cyprus, they cannot do the same with the EU. With Cyprus’ accession to the EU international law will lay its hand here, for the first time after 1974. Shortly you too are going to feel this. Those who oppress you now when you are citizens of the Republic of Cyprus, will not be able to do the same when you are citizens of the EU”.
‘International law is coming’, Turkish Cypriot newspaper Afrika, 17 March 2003


“For years we have been living under the command of others: Turkish military permeates our lives at every level… Hundreds of charges have been brought against us, most of them related to our habit of presenting the Turkish presence in Cyprus as an occupation… What wouldn’t we give now to see our homeland reunited! Those who imposed this division on us are still trying to keep us permanently apart… Certainly it was not easy for me to shout that my country is under occupation… They made me realise that I am a Cypriot.”
Sener Levent, editor/publisher of Arika newspaper, 2002


“For years we have been living under the command of others: Turkish military permeates our lives at every level… Hundreds of charges have been brought against us, most of them related to our habit of presenting the Turkish presence in Cyprus as an occupation…”

“What wouldn’t we give now to see our homeland reunited! Those who imposed this division on us are still trying to keep us permanently apart.”

“Certainly it was not easy for me to shout that my country is under occupation… They made me realise that I am a Cypriot.”
Sener Levent, Turkish Cypriot editor/publisher of Afrika, 2002


“We live in a dictatorship, run by the Turkish military and their cohort, Denktash… You can live a normal life here if you keep quiet, if you don’t tell the truth that we live under Turkish occupation, that much of our territory is a military zone where we can’t go … I want a unified Cyprus that can join the European Union, not for economic reasons, but to have a democracy, to have European laws with respect for human rights. We don’t want to live under Turkish law.”
Sener Levent, Turkish Cypriot, editor/publisher of Afrika


“Why have Turkish Cypriots been left to the mercy of the Turkish military?”

“We are Turkish Cypriots and our interests are not with Turkey. We are looking for our interests as Cypriots.”
Points put to Britain’s Envoy to Cyprus Lord Hannay and Peter Hain, Minister for Europe, by Turkish Cypriots at Cyprus meeting at the House of Lords, 15 January 2001


“In the coming 20 years it will be difficult to pinpoint a single Turkish Cypriot. Denktash is justified in taking so much pride in his work.”
Kutlu Adali, January 1996 (Turkish Cypriot political journalist who was assassinated in 1996 in occupied Cyprus)


“Cypriot women do not sit in front of their homes anymore. People from Anatolia, who wear colourful dresses, have taken their place. Some of them talk in Turkish, in an incomprehensible way. Others converse in Kurdish, Arabic and Persian. All that is an indication that we are gradually integrating into Anatolia.”
Kutlu Adali, Turkish Cypriot political journalist who was assasinated in 1996 in occupied Cyprus, August 1994


“I remember that when I was a child, the population of Turkish Cypriots, which was only 65,000 was shown as 85,000 by the Turkish leadership. When our population was shown officially as 104,320 by the 1960 population census the Turkish Cypriot leadership presented it as 120,000. Our population in 1974 should have been 115,000 but was presented to be 140,000. When it was declared as 180,000 it has come to the surface that population from Turkey was transferred to the island.”
Kutlu Adali, Turkish Cypriot political journalist who was assasinated in 1996 in occupied Cyprus, March 1993


“The bad politicians who have lost the Turkish Cypriots’ trust went to the tens of thousands of colonists who arrived from Turkey to secure their votes. They [the politicians] told these people: for God’s sake save us and we shall give you the properties left by the Greek Cypriots. And once Ankara opened its purse, the demographic structure of the island was destroyed in such a way that the Turkish Cypriots have become a minority.”
Kutlu Adali, Turkish Cypriot political journalist who was assasinated in 1996 in occupied Cyprus, December 1992


“…you are condemned to be crushed by a 65-million-strong Turkey.”
Warning to Greek Cypriots by Turkish occupation representative Rauf Denktash soon after delivering what he termed a “peace plan” for permanent apartheid in Cyprus, 8 September 1998


“Denktash is able, in front of everybody without hesitation, to make untrue statements with ease… Denktash is trying to mislead both the Turkish Cypriots and the world.”
Yenidüzen (Turkish Cypriot newspaper), 29 June 1987


“The Turkish Cypriots are uneasy and concerned about the transfer of Turks to Cyprus… The fact that the Turkish Cypriots are becoming a minority… does not bother Denktash. On the contrary he is pleased. It makes him happy because as the number of settlers increases, Denktash’s percentage of the vote increases too.”
Yenidüzen (Turkish Cypriot newspaper), 29 June 1987


“Today the man on the street is asking: ‘What is going on? Are we going once more to become a minority in our own country? Some of them are exerting pressure on the Turkish Cypriot political parties by saying: ‘Since they [Turkish colonists] formed their own separate party, you put aside your right or left differences and unite.”
Durduran, in Ortam, 10 September 1986


“[Turkish prime minister] Ozal did not come to the TRNC [occupied Cyprus] as a guest but as if he were the owner… anyone listening to Ozal would think him a Sultan who has very recently assented on his father’s throne.”
Ozker Ozgur, leader of the Republican Turkish Party (referring to Ozal’s visit to the occupied northern are of Cyprus and his provocative statements), Yeniduzen newspaper, 7 July 1986


“It has been made known that during the last few months about 3,000 illegal workers have been granted ‘citizenship’.

Great numbers of uneducated people come from Turkey and this mass, which flows to [so-called] northern Cyprus, does not return to Turkey.”
Yeni Duzen newspaper, 20 January 1986


“In the place of our people who flee abroad to earn their living, people come from Turkey under the name of labour force. This labour force is turned into a voting force for conservative, chauvanist directed politicians. If this situation continues in this way, it will, before long, be impossible to talk about the prescence of Turkish Cypriots in [so-called] Northern Cyprus.”
Ozker Ozgur, of the Republican Turkish Party, Gunaydin newspaper, 7-14 January 1986


“Naturally Turkey has strategic interests in Cyprus. It is fortunate for Turkey that the Turkish Cypriot community exists here. Even if the Turkish Cypriot community did not exist, Turkey would not have left Cyprus to Greece. Mr Koruturk told me something which is very important. The honourable president told me: ‘If Cyprus passes to Greece and is militarized then Turkey, ceases to be a maritime nation’. This is an extremely important factor. ”
Turkish occupation representative Rauf Denktash, Milliyet, 23 July 1985


“There was an explosion at the information bureau to the Turkish consulate. A crowd had already gathered there, a crowd of the Turkish Cypriot community. And they almost immediately decided that Greeks had done it and they were swearing vengeance against the Greeks and so on.”
Rauf Denktash, ‘End of Empire: Cyprus, Britain’s Grim Legacy’ ITV documentary (it was revealed in the documentary that the bombing was a false flag operation by Turkish extremists to “create an atmosphere of tension so that people would know that the Turkish Cypriots mattered”, 22 July 1984


“However we, for some time now, are trying to destroy with our hands our history, culture and, in the last analysis, ourselves. We have abandoned our historical masterpieces – with their Greek columns, Gothic ornaments, yellow-stoned arches and Seljukian domes – to destruction and pillage… Cyprus is being estranged from itself; the historic, environmental, communal, and cultrural structure is being spoiled. The vacant unattended archaeological masterpieces are being pillaged.”
Mehmet Yasin, in ‘Perishing Cyprus’ in Turkish Cypriot newspaper Olay, 26 April-17 May 1982


“When the armed struggle started, the British had at their disposal thousands of men and could even increase their existing numbers to put down the EOKA struggle. This they did not do, but they formed instead the well known Auxiliary Corps. The ordinary Turkish Cypriots, who did not realize where the British were leading them (since their leadership did not warn them, rather it encouraged them), hastened to reinforce this Auxiliary Corps thinking only of securing a living.

Thus, the Greek Cypriots, who thought that they were waging a holy struggle against the British, found themselves facing the Turkish Cypriots. In this way the British started submitting to the Turkish community their plans for partition.”
Ibrahim Aziz, ‘The Historical Course of the Turkish Cypriot Community’, 1981


“This paradise is being turned into a hell.”
Dr Fazil Kutchuk, 1978


“I had to create TMT [Turkish terrorist organisation] with some friends in order to coordinate those individuals who were going around doing things.”
Turkey’s occupation representative, London Times, 20 January 1978


“Onward Turkish Youth!

The day is near when you will be called upon to sacrifice your life and blood in the ‘PARTITION” struggle – the struggle for freedom… You are a brave Turk. You are faithful to your country and nation and are entrusted with the task of demonstrating Turkish might. Be ready to break the chains of slavery with your determination and willpower and with your love of freedom. All Turkdom, right and justice and God are with you. PARTITION OR DEATH.”
TMT (Turkish Cypriot terrorist organisation) leaflet circulated on 7 May 1958 as quoted by Nancy Crawshaw in ‘The Cyprus revolt’, 1978


“Although the nucleus of the first Turkish Cypriot political party was organised in 1942, it was not until 1955 that the Turkish Cypriot community became politically active. Within the next three years, a community political structure was developed as a result not only of efforts of Turkish Cypriot leaders to oppose enosis, but also of encouragement from British and Turkish officials who were seeking to safeguard their countries’ strategic interests”.
Dr Fazil Kutchuk in interview to RA Patrick, Doctoral Dissertation, London School of Economics and Political Science, 1972


“I will repeat what I said in the past. The Turkish community is a victim of treason by the Turkish government. The Turkish Cypriots are not victims of the Cypriot government or of the Greek Cypriots. Everybody should know that partition has been the desire and proposal of the colonialists, which was promoted by dark powers since 1957 when Zorlu [Turkey’s Minister for Foreign Affairs] posed the following question to the Turkish Cypriot representatives who visited him: ‘Don’t you have some volunteers who would be ready to sacrifice their lives in confrontation with the Greek Cypriots so that to create an anomaly and thus impose de facto partition?’… The claim that the Turks request geographical separation because they are afraid of the Greeks, is just excuses that were promoted after the events.”
Dr Ihsan ali, opponent of the Kutchuk- Denktash Turkish Cypriot leadership, Cyprus Broadcasting Corporation interview, 28 September 1965


“Cyprus is another Alexandretta in the history of Turkey. The power of Turkey will ensure an honorable life for the Turkish Cypriots in the same way as it did in Alexandretta by annexing it and bringing it under Turkish domination. The road in this direction has been opened by the Turkish fighters at Kokkina, who are now fighting in every corner of Cyprus.”
‘Halkan Sesi’, mouthpiece of Turkish Cypriot leadership, 9 August 1965


“The Greeks are in a state of distress in the full sense of the word. Starting from Nicosia in all clashes the Greeks suffered great losses, but they do not give the casualty figure. The Turkish fighters have pledged to fight on until the realization of partition. The attitude of the Turkish minority has been admittedly one of provoking division and instigating armed conflict with the aim of partition.”
‘Halkin Sesi’, the mouthpiece of Dr Fazil Kutchuk, the Turkish Cypriot vice- president of the Republic of Cyprus, 29 February 1964


“The Turkish fighters have pledged to fight on until the realisation of partition. The attitude of the Turkish minority has been admittedly one of provoking division and instigating armed conflict with the aim of partition.”
Dr Fazil Kutchuk, Vice-President of Republic of Cyprus, 1964


United Nations

“The Turkish Cypriot leaders have adhered to a rigid stand against any measures which might involve having members of the two communities live and work together, or which might place Turkish Cypriots in situations where they would have to acknowledge the authority of Government agents. Indeed, since the Turkish Cypriot leadership is committed to physical and geographical separation of the communities as a political goal it is not likely to encourage activities by Turkish Cypriots which may be interpreted as demonstrating the merits of an alternative policy. The result has been a seemingly deliberate policy of self- segregation by the Turkish Cypriots.”
Secretary General of the United Nations, Report S/6426, 10 June 1965


“The Turkish Cypriot policy of self- isolation has led the community in the opposite direction from normality. The community leadership discourages the Turkish Cypriot population from engaging in personal, commercial or other contacts with their Greek Cypriot compatriots, from applying to government offices in administrative matters or from resettling in their home villages…”
U Thant, United Nations Secretary General (1961-1971), Report on Cyprus, [confirm date] 11 March 1965 or 29 December 1964


“The situation is complicated by evidence made available to UNFICYP that certain non-normal conditions are being kept in existence by measures applied by the Turkish community by its own members.”
U Thant, United Nations Secretary General (1961-1971), Report on Cyprus, 12 December 1964


“The lack of movement of Turkish Cypriots outside their areas is also believed to be dictated by political purpose, namely, to reinforce the claim that the two main communities of Cyprus cannot live peacefully together in the island without some sort of geographical isolation.”
United Nations Secretary General report S/5764, Par. 113, 15 June 1964


United States

‘The reason why “1984” remains so relevant today, however, is that uncomfortable takes on “fake news” and government disdain for individual liberty remain too real in too many places. … If Orwell were alive today, the country which might best conform to “1984” might well be Turkey. … The scariest part of Turkey’s descent into Orwellianism is how many people outside Turkey have been willing to play along.’
Michael Rubin, ‘Is Turkey the most Orwellian country?’ American Enterprise Institute, 12 July 2017


“Cyprus… has never recovered from the Turkish invasion of 1974. Turkish troops still control nearly 40 percent of the island – the most fertile and formerly the richest portion. Some 200,000 Greek refugees never returned home after being expelled from their homes and farms… Thousands of settlers from Anatolia were shipped in by the Turkish government to occupy former Greek villages and to change Cypriot demography – in the same manner the occupying Ottoman Empire once did in the 16th century… Thousands of Greek refugees lost their homes more recently, in 1974, than did the Palestinians in 1947… Any Greek Cypriot attempt to reunify the island would be crushed by the formidable Turkish army, in the brutal manner of the brief war of 1974… The island remains conquered not because the Greeks have given up, but because their resistance is futile against a NATO power of some 70 million people. Greeks know that Turkey worries little about what the world thinks of its occupation.”
Victor Davis Hanson, in ‘Occupation hypocrisy: Gaza vs. Cyprus – one provokes outrage; the other earns a yawn’, Washington Times, 13 August 2014


“The Turkish government certainly has never paid a significant price for invading and partitioning its neighbor. Nor has it done so for later establishing a secessionist entity… in the occupied territory and bringing in tens of thousands of settlers from the Turkish mainland”
Ted Galen Carter, the Cato Institute think tank, 16 April 2014


“By its occupation, Turkey is ‘guaranteeing’ nothing but a creeping annexation. It is time for Turkey to withdraw its military troops, end all support for illegal immigration to Cyprus and let the true inhabitants of the island determine their own future. Only then will the long-suffering Cypriot people finally enjoy the peace and security they have been trying so desperately to achieve for decades.”
Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, Chairman of the US House Committee on Foreign Affairs, in ‘Time for Turkey to leave Cyprus in peace’, Washington Times, 15 June 2012


“In the span of three decades under Turkish control, more than 530 churches and monasteries have been pillaged, vandalized, or destroyed in the northern area…

St Mamas Church in… Morphou is the only notable church that is known to be semi-active in Turkey-controlled Cyprus… Turkish officials who rule the area… give permission twice a year for remaining residents – who were there before Turkish occupation – to worship in the church.”
The Christian Post, ‘The last church standing in north Cyprus – how the Christian history was erased’, 28 April 2008


“When we were trying to convince Turkey to allow the passage of our troops through its territory in northern Iraq, we gave Turkey two motives: several billion dollars in the form of donations and loans and Cyprus in the form of the Annan plan.”
Daniel Fried (member of the National Security Council and special advisor to President Bush), 26 June 2004


“If Ankara’s actions in Cyprus do not constitute ethnic cleansing, the term has no meaning.”
The Washington Times, 18 November 1999


“The refugees were, are and continue to be the legal owners of the land.”
Achilleas Demetriades, Counsel of Titina Loizidou, speaking at Lobby for Cyprus seminar, London, 19 November 1998


“In 1996 the European Court of Human Rights ruled 11 to 6 that Turkey committed a continuing violation of the rights of a Greek Cypriot woman by preventing her from going to her property located in north Cyprus. The ruling reaffirmed the validity of property deeds issued prior to 1974. The Court also found in this case that “it was obvious from the large number of troops engaged in active duties in northern Cyprus that the Turkish army exercised effective overall control there.””
Cyprus Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1998 by US Department of State, 26 February 1998


“The Greek people are a difficult if not impossible people to tame, and for this reason we must strike deep into their cultural roots: perhaps then we can force them to conform. I mean, of course, to strike at their language, their religion, their cultural and historical reserves, so that we can neutralise their ability to develop, to distinguish themselves or to prevail, thereby removing them as an obstacle to our strategically vital plans in the Balkans, the Mediterranean, and the Middle East.”
Attributed to Henry Kissinger in 1994, as reported by Economicos Tachidromos magazine , 14 August 1997 (disputed)


“A Cyprus settlement should be consistent with the fundamental principles of human rights and democratic norms and practices.”
Bill Clinton (as presidential candidate), 2 October 1992


“Byron, writing here of the Turkish invasion of Corinth in 1715, could as well have been describing the many churches and monuments that today lie in ruins on Cyprus… As Byron’s poem laments, war can reduce our greatest and most sacred temples to mere “fragments of stone.” Only the lowest of scoundrels attempt to reap personal gain from this collective loss. Those who plundered the churches and monuments of war-torn Cyprus, hoarded their relics away, and are now smuggling and selling them for large sums, are just such blackguards.”
Chief Judge Bauer quotes Lord Byron’s poem ‘The Siege of Corinth’ when ordering the return of the stolen Kanakaria mosaics to Cyprus. US Court of Appeals, 24 October 1990


“Apartheid is South African only in terms or word origin. Apartheid is readily found elsewhere. Its Turkish version flourishes in Cyprus.”
Scotland and Niekrasz ‘Cyprus: Hell and Paradise’, 1989


“Cyprus has been Greek in culture, leanings, customs and language for much more than three thousand years. You probably spent time visiting archaeological diggings and museums when in Cyprus. They prove this point better than any written words can do, including Turkish official statements.”
Bengt Scotland and Lech Niekrasz ‘Cyprus: Hell and Paradise’, 1989


“I set up a youth club in a small village called Lapithos which attracted both Greeks and Turks. Prior to the Greek national day the Turkish boys used to come along and help us string up Greek flags in the club premises. The village football team had four Turks amongst its leading players. But one day when I asked them to play against a team in a nearby village they said they could not because some Turkish political leaders had told them they should not play in our team. That was the last time I ever saw them in our club…”
Greek Cypriot refugee Charilaos Frangouides in ‘Cyprus: Hell and Paradise’, 1989


“According to the most recent statistics, the Christian population in Turkey has diminished from 4,500,000 at the beginning of this century to just about 150,000. Of those, the Greeks are no more than 7,000. Yet, in 1923 they were as many as 1.2 million.”
New York Times, 26 November 1979


“Hundreds of Greek men were taken from their homes and made to sit in the streets as the Turkish soldiers went systematically from man to man, slitting their throats, reciting the word “Pashida” – sultan. This form of death saved ammunitiion; it was particularly excrutiating. The wives and daughters of the men were then raped and beaten, and those who refused to submit were immediately slaughtered… There was constant shooting, followed by screams and panic-stricken running. The Turks were openly looting the enitire city.”
Frank Brady, on the destruction of Smyrna by the Turkish army of Mustafa Kemal ‘Atatürk’ in 1922, ‘Onassis: An extravagant life’, 7 September 1978


“…the Turkish side has been pursuing total separation of the communities. Last year all ethnic Turks were allowed to go north in exchange for promises that the ethnic Greeks in the Turkish [occupied] area would be given freer movement, better schools and more medical care. In addition, the Turkish side promised to allow the United Nations to set up posts in the north and provide the Greeks with moral and material support.

The Turkish side, keeping few of its promises, persisted in putting pressure on the remaining ethnic Greeks to leave. As a result a steady trickle of departures has become a flood. About 30 Greeks go south every day.”
Steven Roberts, The New York Times, 1 November 1976


“The Turkish Cypriots in the occupied northern part of the island seem to have joined their compatriots in the south as victims of Turkish aggression and occupation.”
US Senate Subcommittee Report, 1976


“The Turks are blackmailing the US Government into violating the very laws that this House and the Senate of the United States passed, and should we move to allow this one instance to pass to expediency it will become instead the accepted method of violating our laws and forcing our hand, a precedent we can ill afford.

We have sold, according to my figures, almost $11 billions worth of arms to foreign nations. The potential for blacmail, the potential for misuse, the potential for other Cypruses, appalls me…”
Representative McKinney (R Connecticutt) during debate on Cyprus in US House of Representatives, 25 July 1975


“In Paphos today where some 500 Turkish Cypriots were being transferred to the north, the main square resoundedd with the sobbing and wailing of elderely women abandoning their homes after a lifetime. Greek and Turkish Cypriots mingled easily with no apparent hostility toward each other. Many of the departing Turkish Cypriots handed over the key of their homes to the Greek Cypriot refugees, with apparent pleasure, “to look after them”, as one said.”
Washington Post, 11 April 1975


“Desolation and destruction mark many areas. Whole villages and towns and cities are empty of people, who fled their homes in fear of advancing Turkish forces. The 15,000 to 20,000 Greeks who remain are being held as virtual hostages – confined to their villages or elsewhere, and usually separated from family members and without adequate food and water and medical care…

Government controlled areas of the island have been inundated with refugees from the north. Since the invasion on 20 July, over 200,000 men, women and children – at least a third of the population – have sought shelter wherever they could find it – in open fields, under trees, along the roadsides, and in schools, monasteries and public buildings.”
Senator Edward Kennedy, ‘Study Mission Report of the US Senate Subcommittee to Investigate Problems Connected with Refugees and Escapees’, 14 October 1974


“The Turkish invasion turned the island into a shambles. In political terms it violated the integrity of an independent state. In economic terms it shattered the island’s flourishing economy. And in human terms it brought personal tragedy to thousands of families and turned half the population into refugees, detainees and beleagured people caught behind ceasefire lines.”
Senator Edward Kennedy


“After two weeks of living under Turkish occupation with shortages of food and facing constant harassment, more than 600 villagers from Ayios Georghios, Trimithi and Karmi were deported by the Turks to the green line which separates Greek and Turkish communities, here Saturday. More than 100 men between ages 16 to 65 from the villages were herded off to prisoner- of-war camps by the Turks.”
New York Times, ‘Villagers Driven From Cyprus Homes Charge Murder and Rape by Turks’, 6 August 1974


“Turkey’s continued violations of the Cyprus truce, right up on the heels of a second ceasefire agreement, are an affront to its allies in NATO and the world community in the United Nations. The Security Council’s one-day delay in authorizing interposition of the UN peacekeeping force – as a result of a Soviet veto, which now has been withdrawn – does not justify in any way the succession of new Turkish violations: seizure of Greek villages; orders to UN units to leave the Turkish occupation zone; and the continued Turkish military build up on the island.”
New York Times, 2 August 1974


“Our analysis of proposals …is based on the following assumptions: 1) federation of Cyprus [as proposed by Turkey] really means partition of Cyprus and therefore will require force to be imposed …Federation as envisaged by Turk- Cypriot leaders and we suppose by GOT [Government of Turkey] is solution which might possibly be imposed temporarily at great cost by force of arms …Geographic separation of most of two communities with boundaries cutting Famagusta and Nicosia and running west to Kokkina is Turk Cypriot meaning [of federation]… federation à la Turque”…
Taylor Belcher, US Ambassador in Nicosia, to US State Department, 2 December 1964


“Dear Mr Prime Minister: I am gravely concerned by the information which I have had through Ambassador Hare from you and your Foreign Minister that the Turkish Government is contemplating a decision to intervene by military force to occupy a portion of Cyprus… Ambassador Hare has indicated that you have postponed your decision for a few hours in order to obtain my views.

It is my impression that you believe that such intervention by Turkey is permissible under the provisions of the Treaty of Guarantee of 1960. I must call your attention, however, to our understanding that the proposed intervention by Turkey would be for the purpose of effecting a form of partition on the island, a solution which is specifically excluded by the Treaty of Guarantee…

Further, Mr Prime Minister, I am concerned about the obligations of Turkey as a member of the United Nations…

I have no doubt that the general membership of the United Nations would react in the strongest terms to unilateral action by Turkey which would defy the efforts fo the United Nations and destroy any prospect that the United Nations could assist in obtaining a reasonable and peaceful settlement of this difficult problem.

I wish also, Mr Prime Minister, to call your attention to the bilateral agreement between the United States and Turkey in the field of military assistance. Under Article IV of the Agreement with Turkey of July 1947, your Government is required to obtain United States consent for the use of military assistance for purposes other than those for which such assistance was furnished…”
President Johnson, letter to Prime Minister Ismet Inonu of Turkey, 5 June 1964


“Then listen to me Mr Ambassador. Fuck your parliament and your constitution. America is an elephant, Cyprus is a flea, Greece is a flea. If these two feckless fleas continue itching the elephant they may get whacked by the elephant’s trunk, whacked good… We pay a lot of good American dollars to the Greeks Mr Ambassador. If your Prime Minister gives me talk about democracy, parliament and the constitution, he, his parliament and his constitution may not last very long.”
President Johnson to Greek Ambassador, Alexander Matsas, following Ambassador Matsas’s refusal to agree to the US Acheson plan for the partition of Cyprus, June 1964


“… but you’ve got it all wrong, hasn’t anyone told you that our plan here is for partition?”
Former US acting Secretary of State George Ball to former naval intelligence officer Martin Packard, Cyprus, 1964


“All segregation statutes are unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives the segregator a false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. Segregation… ends up relegating persons to the status of things. Hence segregation is not only politically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and sinful.”
Dr Martin Luther King Jr, ‘Letter from Birmingham City Jail’, 16 April 1963


“Freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed.”
Dr Martin Luther King Jr, ‘Letter from Birmingham City Jail’, 16 April 1963


“…the destruction of Smyrna was but the closing act in a consistent program of exterminating Christianity throughout the length and bredth of the old Byzantine Empire; the expatriation of an ancient Christian civilzation, which in recent years had begun to take on growth and rejuventation… thousands of Christian teachers and pupils butchered or despersed. This process of extermination was carried on over a considerable period of time, with fixed purpose, with system, and with painstaking minute details; and it was accomplished with unspeakable cruelties, causing the destruction of a greater number of human beings than have suffered in any similar persecution since the coming of Christ.

… the curious feature is that, owing to the propaganda carried on by the hunters of certain concessions, an anti-Christian and pro-Turk school has sprung up in the United States.”
George Horton, former Consul and Consul-general of the United States in the near east on the Genocide of the Greeks and Amenians of Asia Minor, 1926


“We turned a deaf ear to the dying [Greek and Armenian] Christians, when they called to us for aid, fully aware that America was their only hope, and now it would apper there is a growing tendency in this country to whitewash the Turks and condone their crimes in order to obtain material advantages from them… the Turks should not be accepted into the society of decent nations until they show sincere repentence for their crimes.”
James W Gerard, former US ambassador to Germany on the Genocide of the Greeks and Amenians of Smyrna, Asia Minor, 1926


“After the Turks had smashed the Greek armies they turned the essentially Greek city (Smyrna) into an ash heap as proof of their victory.”
Sir Valentine Chirol, University of Chicago in ‘The Occident and the Orient’, 1924


British

“There cannot be forever the partition of the island, there has to be a coming together, there has to be a reunification. I am absolutely determined that for all of my political life I will continue with that position and continue campaigning for the reunification of Cyprus so that everyone can live once again on the island wherever they wish to live on it. I think that has to be the basis of the whole policy.”
Jeremy Corbyn, ‘Cyprus: The quest for a solution’ reception at House of Commons, 11 July 2017


“We want to send a strong message to Turkish authorities – it is simply not acceptable to target journalists… We condemn the attempts to intimidate journalists…”
Britain’s National Union of Journalists (NUJ), 24 June 2013


“And as the bankers occupy their country, Cypriots can be sure that the other occupiers – the Turkish army dividing the island – will stay yet longer, yet more likely to be forgotten by the world.”
Rt Revd Dr Peter Selby, St Paul’s Institute, in ‘Who’s Occupying Cyprus?’, 27 March 2013


“Turkey is guilty of doublespeak, as it constantly talks of two separate states [in Cyprus] and two fully functioning democracies, while formally adhering to the UN criteria for a federal partnership.”
Robert Ellis, Guardian comment, 5 October 2010


“Buying Greek Cypriot property in the north of Cyprus is just like walking into a jewellery shop and stealing a ring – it is theft.”
Roger Gale MP, at ‘Cyprus and the Human Rights of Refugees – Property Rights and Cultural Heritage’ meeting at House of Commons, organised by Ayios Amvrosios Association (UK) in collaboration with Lobby for Cyprus, 8 June 2009


“They’ve invested in some of the world’s most risky property, some of the world’s most dangerous real estate…”
Guardian journalist Helena Smith, ‘Mediterranean Nightmares’, Tonight programme, ITV, 5 June 2009


“This [Cyprus] is an EU member- state a large part of which is under long-standing occupation by a foreign army. Behind tanks and artillery, a population of settlers has been planted that is relatively more numerous than the settlers on the West Bank.

“With occupation came ethnic cleansing… a third of the Greek community – were expelled from their homes, driven across the Attila Line to the south.”
Perry Anderson, ‘The Divisions of Cyprus’, London Review of Books, 24 April 2008


“In [Turkish Cypriot leader] Mr Talat’s case he answers not just to his voters, but also to Turkey’s politicians and generals.”
The Economist, 24 April 2008


“The Secretariat sought to mislead the international community through the Secretary-General’s Reports and briefings it prepared, so as to pressure a small state effectively to accept the consequences of aggression by a large neighbouring state allied to two permanent members of the Security Council…

“…a significant opportunity to reach an agreed settlement was lost as a result of the conduct of the UN Secretariat, advised by the USA and the UK.”

“…had he [Annan] been more closely involved in the details, [he] would not have wished his name to be historically associated with such departures from international law and human rights standards.”
Claire Palley, ‘An International Relations Debacle’, 11 May 2005


“If the Greek-Cypriots say ‘no’ to the Annan plan, we will take them to a new referendum, until they say ‘yes’.
Lord Hanney, architect of the Annan plan, 2004


“Nothing fundamental has changed in the past 28 years: Turkey has maintained the military advantage, in the form of a 30,000-strong garrison on the island, whereas the Greek-Cypriot side has retained the diplomatic and moral high ground, including a monopoly of international recognition and a raft of UN resolutions calling on the Turks to withdraw their troops and make way for the island’s reunification.”
‘Blowing hot and cold: Can Greece and Turkey become true friends?’ The Economist, 10 October 2002


“…Turkey’s crypto-fascist regime.”
John Pilger, ‘The New Rulers of the World’, 2002


“Using covert channels, and short-circuiting the democratic process in his own country, he [Kissinger] made himself an accomplice in a plan of political assassination which, when it went awry, led to the deaths of thousands of civilians, the violent uprooting of almost 200,000 refugees, and the creation of an unjust and unstable amputation of Cyprus which constitutes a serious threat to peace a full quarter-century later. On July 10 1976, the European Commission on Human Rights adopted a report, prepared by 18 distinguished jurists and chaired by Professor JES Fawcett, resulting from a year’s research into the consequences of the Turkish invasion. It found that the Turkish army had engaged in the deliberate killing of civilians, in the execution of prisoners, in the torture and ill-treatment of detainees, in the arbitrary punishment and detention of civilians, and in systematic acts of rape, torture, and looting. A large number of “disappeared” persons, both prisoners of war and civilians, are still “missing” from this period. They include a dozen holders of US passports, which is evidence in itself of an indiscriminate strategy, when conducted by an army dependent on US aid and matériel.”
Christopher Hitchens, The Trial of Henry Kissinger, 2001


“All concessions on the Cyprus issue have so far come from the Greek Cypriots. Denktash is now asking for legalisation of the spoils of war. We ask you to remember.”
Eddie O’Hara MP at Cyprus meeting at the House of Lords, 15 January 2001


“There are several problems in Cyprus. There are more than 1,600 missing people, and others live in enclaves, surrounded by occupied territories. Since 1974, 37 per cent of the island has been occupied. The Anatolian settlers from Turkey are not at all the same culturally as the Turkish Cypriots. We have no problem with the Turkish Cypriots; Turkish and Greek Cypriots get on very well. There are tens of thousands of troops on the island, who should be withdrawn, and all churches in the occupied territories have been destroyed.”
Dr Rudi Vis MP, Hansard, House of Commons Debates, 28 July 2000


“In December [1999], the Education Ministry in Turkey asked a math publisher not to use the letters “p” and “k” in algebraic equations because they could form the acronym for the rebel Kurdistan Workers Party (The PKK). The Ministry suggested using the letters e, f, g and h instead.”
The Guardian, 1 April 2000


“…a people who have been degraded, humiliated and treated as an inferior race for decades… The appalling repression of the Kurdish people in Turkey is generally unreported in the British media and virtually ignored at Government level… Turkey is a military, totalitarian regime masquerading as a democracy.”
Howard Pinter, The Guardian, 20 February 1999


“The evidence suggests the majority of Turkish Kurds want only equal treatment…”
Leader, The Guardian, 17 February 1999


“The [Turkish] army had destroyed villages and brought about large-scale forced evacuations… Throughout the Kosovo crisis the Serbs charged the West with a double standard. Turkey’s treatment of the Kurds was far worse than anything the West accused the Serbs of doing in Kosovo, they said, yet as Turkey was a member of NATO the West turned a blind eye. The Serbs were right… Western governments should put as much pressure on Turkey to change its policies as it has on Yugoslavia.”
Leader article, The Guardian, 25 November 1998


“The behaviour of the Turkish infantry featured gratuitous violence against Greek Cypriot civilians unlucky enough to lie in their path; word of the rapes, murders and looting which marked their advance was enough to convince Greek Cypriots to flee for their safety from the occupied areas…”
Marc Dubin, ‘Cyprus, The Rough Guide’


“We are all prisoners of knowledge. To know how Cyprus was betrayed, and to have studied the record of that betrayal, is to make oneself unhappy and to spoil, perhaps for ever, one’s pleasure for visiting one of the word’s most enchanting islands. Nothing will ever restore the looted treasures, the bereaved families, the plundered villages and the groves and hillsides scalded with napalm. Nor will anything mitigate the record of the callous and crude politicians who regarded Cyprus as something on which to scribble their inane and conceited designs. But fatalism would be the worst betrayal of all. The acceptance, the legitimization of what was done – those things must be repudiated. Such a refusal has a value beyond Cyprus in showing that acquiescence in injustice is not ‘realism’. Once the injustice has been set down and described, and called by its right name, acquiescence in it becomes impossible. That is why one writes about Cyprus in sorrow but more – much more in anger.”
Christopher Hitchens, ‘Cyprus: Hostage to History’, 1 May 1997


“In the summer of 1983 a Turkish embassy spokesman in Washington told the Washington Post that Turkey supported the Indonesian position on East Timor at the United Nations because it saw a ‘parallel’ with the Turkish case in Cyprus. The spokesman was being a little ungenerous to his own government. All verifiable and independent reports show the government of Indonesia to have been guilty of near-genocide in East Timor, using the weapon of starvation, and indulging in the indiscriminate slaughter of civilians. One wonders at any government which would voluntarily associate itself with such an atrocity.”
Christopher Hitchens, ‘Cyprus: Hostage to History’, 1 May 1997


“Immediately after the invasion of July we sought to secure a cease-fire… I continued with our diplomatic efforts, but with every hour that passed our team became more gloomy. There were flashes of common sense. Acting President Glafkos Clerides and Rauf Denktash, the leader of the Turkish Committee, both brought intelligence and genuine concern to the discussion on the future of their country. If it had been left to them it is conceivable that they might have hammered out an agreement. But Denktash was not a free agent, and confessed to me that in the last resort he was obliged to obey his masters in Turkey.”
James Callaghan (after the Turkish invasion of July 1974), ‘Time and Change’, Collins/Fontana, Glasgow, 1987, pp.353–54


“There is no need to draw upon ancient prejudice to examine what the Turkish army did in Cyprus in 1974… The record is a clear one, compiled for the most part by neutral outside jurists, and it shows that Turkey employed deliberate means of terror and indiscriminate cruelty. It did not do so because of something in its nature or because of the inheritance of some presumed streak of barbarism. It did so for the very modern and cold- blooded reason that it wanted territory without inhabitants. The policy was designed to make people run away, and in this it succeeded.”
Christopher Hitchens, ‘Cyprus: Hostage to History’, 1984


“Attachment to land and property, and sense of place, is very deep-rooted in Cyprus. The wrenching out of those roots has been unusually painful… the village remains his or hers… the estrangement of one-third of the island, the alienation of it in perpetuity by an invader, that is shocking and unbearable.”
Christopher Hitchens,’Cyprus: Hostage to History’, 1984


“In Cyprus and like other colonies, the British did not bring democracy.”
‘End of Empire: Cyprus, Britain’s Grim Legacy’ ITV documentary, 22 July 1984


“In 1954 I felt great anxiety about Cyprus… Harold Macmillan was urging us to stir up the Turks in order to neutralise the Greek agitation. I wrote a minute in opposition to this tactic. I also asked the Prime Minister’s private secretary if I could see Churchill on the subject, but he absolutely refused even to pass on the suggestion, which he clearly regarded as impertinence.”
CM Woodhouse in his autobiography ‘Something Ventured’, 1982


“…we came across a desecrated church in the centre of a busy village between Famagusta and Nicosia. Fresh excrement and urine lay on the smashed altar and the floor. The church Bible had been used as toilet paper and the wall paintings had been gashed and disfigured. The icons had vanished. From the state of the place it was clear that this was not a single act of violation. The place obviously had been a public convenience for months.”
John Torode, ‘Cyprus treasures at risk’, letter to the editor, The Times, 19 August 1980


“…circumstantial evidence strongly pointed to the fact that the bomb was of Turkish origin. This however did not deter Turkey from making a formal protest to Britain next day alleging that the Cyprus administration has failed to give the Turkish minority adequate protection.”
Nancy Crawshaw (referring to the false flag attack by Turkish extremists at the information bureau to the Turkish consulate in June 1958 that resulted in rioting, looting and burning of Greek properties by Turkish Cypriots in Nicosia. The tension culminated in the massacre of eight Greek Cypriots near the village of Geunyeli on 12 June 1958, five days after the explosion.), ‘The Cyprus revolt’, 1978


“Many Turkish Cypriots say they regret the exodus of the Greeks and even that they feel more affinity with these fellow Cypriots than they do with the mainland Turks…”
The Spectator, 1978


“Confidential United Nations military documents, circulated to officers in the United Nations peace-keeping force in Cyprus, disclose that looting is being systematically carried out on a massive scale by the Turkish and Turkish Cypriot authorities in the north of the island.”
The Times, 13 December 1976


“Then we had a visit from two Turkish Cypriots on November 8. They were originally from Kokkina (a Turkish Cypriot village still under the control of the Greek Cypriot government) and they said we had 15 days to leave. They said they had been told that they could have our house and that the authorities had sent them round to us.

I did not believe this was true and said: “You cannot tell us to leave. What authority have you got?” So the taller man held up a piece of paper with a Turkish stamp on it, which gave his name as Haum Mehmet and listed our house as ‘F55’. In Yaloussa, the village was so small that we never had street numbers but this was the Turkish designation of our home. I told the men to leave and they did.

But next day a Turkish girl who lived two houses away and who was a friend of mine came to our home. She said that the Turks were going to burn my husband’s lorry unless we aggreed to leave immediately.

On the same day, Mr. Mehmet came back. He said he could bring some boxes for us if we needed extra packing cases when we moved. Then he asked my husband to show him how the water-heater worked in our bathroom.”
Robert Fisk reports on expulsion of Greek Cypriots in Turkish occupied Cyprus, ‘Further expulsions belie Turkish claims of a voluntary exodus’, The Times, 9 December 1976


“We were told in Bellapais to be ready to move at 24 hours notice, and for many months people were ready for a forced expulsion”, said Dr Frazer, a Scottish doctor of 74 who we came across two weeks ago. “Imagine the strain of living like that with everything paked, herds disposeed of at ruthlessly low prices, other livestock killed and eaten”. The forced expulsion never happened. People now sign to say that they come voluntarily. If they don’t sign they know they will have to come and that the Turks will allow them to bring nothing. So they give up their homes, leave behind their land and their fathers’ land, their trees and lemon groves and trek south while the Turkish colonizers take over their homes.”
Voice of the Unions, 1 October 1976


“Bellapais, the Greek Cypriot village made famous by Laurence Durrell’s ‘Bitter Lemons’, is no longer Greek: two weeks ago its last seven Greek inhabitants gave up the struggle against the Turkish squeeze. With their departure the number of Greek Cypriots in the entire Kyrenia district of northern Cyprus is now fewer that 30. Because of this, the Turkish authorities say that the United Nations force in Cyprus no longer needs a post in that area”.
The Economist, ‘Cyprus – a bitter lemon squeezed dry’, 4 September 1976


“The demographic Turkification of the north will soon be complete. Towns and villages such as Kyrenia and Lapithos which stood empty and ghostly until April are now filled with settlers, some Turkish Cypriot, some mainland Turks. The return of the original inhabitants is ruled out, and the Turkish authorities now say quite openly that the remaining 5,800 Greek Cypriots in the north will be reduced by half this Christmas.”
The Economist, 4 September 1976


“Bellapais has been dying by degrees since the beginning of the year when the Turks began moving out in small groups the 700 inhabitants. There are now fewer than 20 people left in the village and they will all be gone by the weekend.”
John Bierman, The Guardian, 5 July 1976


“The old countryman’s eyes were heavy with tears he had not yet shed. What did he think would happen to Bellapais when the last of its people had left? His previously firm voice broke at the thought and the tears began to flow. ‘Erimia’, he said, ‘Desolation’.

Bellapais has been dying by degrees since the beginning of the year when the Turks began moving out in small groups the 700 inhabitants of this hauntingly beautiful village, made world famous by Lawrence Durrell’s 1955 bestseller, Bitter Lemons.

There are now fewer than 20 people left in the village and they will all be gone by the weekend”.
John Bierman, The Guardian, 5 July 1976


“The little treasure house of Anphonitis Monastery, in the mountains north of Lefkoniko, had sustained the most comprehensive looting and damage.

Our guide book, pointing out that the key to the monastery was held at the nearest police station five miles down the mountain, eulogized the the eleventh, twelfth and fifteenth centry icons and the sixteenth century frescoes. All had vanised or had been destroyed. The nineteenth and twentieth century icons were smashed, the furniture broken. In the corner were bags of cement and the remains of a fire.

Furniture had been lugged outside onto the grass, and the whole place was strewn with bottles and filth. Somebody was clearly proud of this work, for on the wrecked iconostasis the date was chalked March, 1975.

…Now that Northern Cyprus has declared itself a separate state, federated with Turkey and headed by Mr. Rauf Denktash… the process of obliterating everything Greek has been carried out methodically. The churches and graveyards have suffered severely.”
The Times, 27 May 1976


“Identical reports appear throughout the documents which also refer to acts of violence against Greek Cypriots. On October 9 this year, summary 4040, again dealt with Sector Six and stated: ‘During night time 3/10 to 4/10/76 five Tk Cyp (Turkish Cypriot) men entered the house of Gk Cyp Lysandros Foka in the village of Ayias Trias, beat him up, robbed money in the value of 581 Cyprus pounds (&830) and raped his 14-year old daughter. Another Tk Cyp was guarding outside while the five Turks committed the crimes. The Tk Cyps were carrying a shotgun and fired at least one shot in the air.”
The Times, 13 February 1976


“We visited 26 former Greek villages. We found not a single undesecrated cemetery…”
The Guardian, 6 May 1976


“Her Majesty’s Government cannot accept that the Turkish armed forces were acting otherwise, than as agents of the Government of Turkey.”
Foreign & Commonwealth office Document FCO 9/2162, on the Turkish invasion of Cyprus, August 1975


“Soldiers from the Swedish contingent have taken reporters to the village of Tavrou, on the Panhandle, where they were shown the body of a 17-year-old Greek Cypriot girl, who had been shot dead. A BBC colleague, who saw the body, said he was told, the girl had been shot after she and her two sisters had resisted an attempt by Turkish soldiers to rape them.”
David McNeal, BBC news report, 23 August 1974


“We believe that a bi-regional federation in Cyprus, on lines advocated by Mr. Denktash, but involving an area under Turkish Cypriot administration rather smaller than the 34 percent of the Republic, offers the best solution. To achieve this, the Turkish military advance should cease at the Atilla line.”
Draft paper by Mr (later Sir) Alan C Goodison, Head of Southern European Department in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office official of the UK, 16 August 1974


“It is important that we should avoid any suggestion that in favouring the geographical separation of the two communities as the most viable solution of the Cyprus problem, we are working for the partition of the island. Partition has a bad name internationally. It would also be contrary to our obligations, both under the 1960 Settlement and as a fellow member with Cyprus of the Commonwealth and the United Nations. I recommend that we should use the term ‘biregional federation’.”
‘Cyprus: a geographical solution’ FCO minute by Mr (later Sir) Alan C Goodison, Head of Southern European Department in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 16 August 1974


“Henry, if I can put the position in a nutshell, I think it comes to this: that the Turks have got a good case. In my view this can now only be resolved by the creation of a zone. A zone in which they will have autonomy within a federal republic. This could be got by negotiation but in the temper of today, no one can begin to get anything like this. And so you have a military solution for the time being, in which they will police their own boundary. You’ll have a great exchange of population with the Greeks moving out and we’ll then just let diplomacy take over when we see the opportunity once more, to see if we can get a peaceful solution in the island. Now as regards Greece and Turkey, it is Greece who will need massaging because the Turks are too jingoistic, indeed too close to Hitler for my liking. All right?”
James Callaghan, Foreign Secretary, in a telephone conversation to US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger who responded: “I completely agree with you, Jim. And the tragedy is that it could have worked out that way through diplomacy…” The conversation took place while the second Turkish invasion of Cyprus was in full swing, 14 August 1974


“A transfer of the Greek Cypriot population out of the Kyrenia area is going on steadily. This is undoubtedly considered Turkish policy and people are being told that they will never come back. This is tragic, and we must obviously do what we can to contest these forced evictions.”
Stephen Olver, High Commissioner of UK in Nicosia, in telegram to the FCO in London, 5 August 1974


“It is as if the invading Turkish army had become some uncontrollable giant, unanswerable even to the promises of its own Government, slowly devouring Greek villages and spitting out a misery of refugees.”
Colin Smith, in the Observer, 4 August 1974


“The mass expulsion of Greek Cypriots from several villages near Kyrenia in the Turkish held zone of Cyprus was reported by the International Red Cross in Nicosia yesterday …The Red Cross said all Greek Cypriots in the villages of Karmi and Trimithi had been expelled by Turkish soldiers from their homes.”
H Barry o’Brien, Turks drive out Greek villagers, Sunday Telegraph, 4 August 1974


“In Kyrenia district east, local United Nations troops at Bellapais (AMR WD 3207) were required by Turkish troops to withdraw late yesterday. Following representations by the Force Commander, the post at Bellapais was re-established on 4 August, but it is understood that most of the population and refugees are no longer in the village.”
Report of the UN Secretary-General to the UN Security Council, UN document S/11353/Add.14), 4 August 1974 (Bellapais was ethnically cleansed in waves between 20 July 1974 and late 1976. One wave occurred shortly after Turkish forces ordered UN peacekeepers to leave the village temporarily.)


“The early stages of the Cyprus conflict, in the mid-1950s, were mainly a struggle between the Greek Cypriots and the British Colonial power, with the Turks at that time hardly interested in the island. There is strong evidence that the British government of the day deliberately encouraged an indifferent Turkey to take a more active interest, as a useful counterweight in the struggle against the Greeks, One of the most violent expressions of this artificially contrived Turkish indignation was on the night of 6th-7th September 1955, when a terrifying Turkish mob destroyed quantities of Greek property in Istanbul. It should be noted that at the Yassiada trials 1960 evidence was given by defence witnesses that the Turkish government had been put up to staging a Cyprus demonstration by the then British Foreign Secretary Harold Macmillan, but that the demonstration, mismanaged by Menderes, had degenerated into an uncontrollable riot.”
David Hotham, ‘The Turks’, 1972


“The welfare, and indeed the lives of our people, depends on Cyprus as a protective guard and staging post to take care of those interests, above all oil. This is not imperialism. It should be the plain duty of any government and we intend to discharge it.”
British Prime Minister Sir Anthony Eden, 1960, regarding Britain’s invitation of Turkey to a tripartite conference on the future of Cyprus in 1955 to counter Greek Cypriots claims for enosis


“Whether or not the Turkish Government have lately been specifically encouraging this idea of migration, it seems to be a logical outcome of the extremely hard-headed and ruthless tactics, which they have followed in support of an all-out policy of partition, since the announcement in May last of Her Majesty’s Government’s intention to produce a new plan for Cyprus. These tactics have been, as you know, by whipping up the Turkish Cypriot community, to create a situation between them and the Greek Cypriots of which the only possible solution would be partition…”
British ambassador in ankara, Colonial Office Document to Foreign Office, 1 September 1958


“The Turks – I am putting their view – regard Cyprus as an extension of the Anatolian Plain, a kind of offshore island with vital significance for their defence and their security. They say – this has been their argument up to now – that the Turkish-Cypriot community must not be ruled by a Greek-Cypriot community and they have advocated the physical separation of the two communities by means of a territorial partition.”
Prime Minister Harold Macmillan MP, parliamentary statement delivered, 26 June 1958


“For some days prior to 12th June, in fact on the 7th June, intercommunal feeling was running very high in the island and there had been many instances of attacks by Turks particuarly in Nicosia, upon members of the Greek community and upon Greek property.

The attack was of a most savaege nature and the unjuries inflicted indicate an extraordinary blood lust.”
Chief Justice of Cyprus (on the murder of eight Greek Cypriots and the serious wounding of five near the village of Geunyeli on 12 June 1958. The Greeks were abandoned in the area by the British military, where they were then attacked by Turkish Cypriot extremists), June 1958


“I could not help reflecting wryly that had we been honest enough to admit the Greek nature of Cyprus in the beginning, it might never have been necessary to abandon the island or fight for it. Now, it was too late!”
Lawrence Durrell, Director of Public Relations for the British colonial government in Cyprus, 1957, in his book ‘Bitter Lemons’


“… a claim by 18 per cent of a population to share political power equally with 80 per cent… But can Cyprus be organised as a federation in this way? …I find myself baffled in the attempt to visualise how an effective executive government for Cyprus is to be thrown up by a system in which political power is to remain permanently divided… Either there is stagnation in political life, with the frustration that accompanies it, or some small minority group acquires an artificial weight by being able to hold the balance between the two main parties …it cannot be in the interests of Cyprus as a whole that the constitution should be formed on the basis of equal political representation for the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities …To give an equal political strength in a unitary State to two communities which have such a marked inequality in numbers – an inequality which so far as signs go is as likely to increase as decrease – is to deny to the majority of the population over the whole field of self government the power to have its will reflected in effective action.”
Lord Radcliffe, ‘Constitutional Proposals for Cyprus’,1956


“Was Cyprus ever Greek? To cast doubt on the desire of Cypriots for union with Greece British Tory papers pretend that Cyprus was never part of Greece… the islanders have been predominantly Greek-speaking for over 2,500 years. Cyprus was Greek before England was English.

For centuries Cyprus was part of the Greek-speaking Alexandrian and Byzantine Empires – that is to say it was under Greek rule.

It was conquered by the Turks in 1570 but the islanders rose against the Turks in 1764, 1804 and 1821, when many islanders were massacred by the Turkish rulers. Despite all tribulations the islanders have remained Greek in speech and culture.”
The Educational Commentary on Current Affairs, issued by the Daily Worker in association with the Marx Memorial Library, 25 September 1955


“…it has always been understood and agreed that there are certain territories in the Commonwealth which, owing to their particular circumstances, can never expect to be fully independent… there are some territories which cannot expect to be that. I am not going as far as that this afternoon, but I have said that the question of the abrogation of British sovereignty [in Cyprus] cannot arise — that British sovereignty will remain.”
Minister of State Hopkinson, House of Commons, 28 July 1954


“The lowest estimate of lives lost given by the refugees, places the total at one hundred and twenty thousand.”
London Daily Chronicle, regarding the slaughter of the Greek and Armenian inhabitants of Smyrna, 18 September 1922


“…the Ottomanisation of all Turkish citizens, which never succeeded through persuasion, had to be done by the force of arms.”
The Times, 3 October 1911


“I think it is only natural that the Cypriot people, who are of Greek descent, should regard their incorporation with what may be called their mother-country as an ideal to be earnestly, devoutly, and fervently cherished. Such a feeling is an example of the patriotic devotion which so nobly characterises the Greek nation.”
Winston Churchill, 17 October 1907


“Wherever they [the Turks] went a broad line of blood marked the track behind them, and, as far as their dominion reached, civilization disappeared from view. They represented everywhere government by force as opposed to government by law.”
William Gladstone, 1876


“The barbarian power, which has been for centuries seated in the very heart of the Old World, which has in its brute clutch the most famous countries of classical and religious antiquity and many of the most fruitful and beautiful regions of the earth; and, which, having no history itself, is heir to the historical names of Constantinople and Nicaea, Nicomedia and Caesarea, Jerusalem and Damascus, Nineva and Babylon, Mecca and Bagdad, Antioch and Alexandria, ignorantly holding in its possession one half of the history of the whole world.”
Cardinal Newman (1801-1890)


Miscellaneous

“I hope that it will at least remind Turkey that not solving Cyprus is like driving around with the handbrake on.”
Hugh Pope of the International Crisis Group on the ‘Cyprus v Turkey’ case at the ECHR, 13 May 2014


The Cyprus v Turkey case is the most important contribution to peace in Europe in the history of the European Court of Human Rights… those member States that wage war, invade or support foreign armed intervention in other member States must pay for their unlawful actions and the consequences of their actions, and the victims, their families and the States of their nationality have a vested and enforceable right to be duly and fully compensated by the responsible warring State. War and its tragic consequences are no longer tolerable in Europe and those member States that do not comply with this principle must be made judicially accountable for their actions, without prejudice to additional political consequences.”
Remarks by European Court of Human Rights judges on the landmark ‘Cyprus v Turkey’ case which found Turkey guilty of human rights violations in Cyprus, 12 May 2014


“The European Court of Justice decision is a great decision that is 100 percent binding and has my political support.”
Dr Charles Tannock MEP, at Cyprus and the Human Rights of Refugees – Property Rights and Cultural Heritage, meeting, House of Commons, 8 June 2009


“…the pillage, the destruction and the plundering of places of worship, of each and every religion, is a crime against humanity and civilisation.”
Joint declaration of Pope Benedict XVI and the primate of the Greek Orthodox Church of Cyprus Archbishop Chrysostomos II, June 2007


“…it appeared that the UN and the European Union were bent on legitimising at least some of the consequences of the Turkish invasion of 1974, because the EU wanted to take the Cyprus issue off the table in order to facilitate negotiations on Turkey’s accession to the EU.”
Shlomo Avineri, Professor at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and former director-general of Israel’s foreign ministry, Financial Times, 27 March 2004


“…without consulting me, using my material, [UNESCO] published an official report, whitewashing the Turks. And this was the end of my mission.”
Jacques Dalibard, author of a 1976 UNESCO commissioned report on cultural destruction in occupied Cyprus. He is said to have claimed that UNESCO published his report prematurely and modified the findings to suit political purposes.’


“The Turkish minority of Cyprus was given rights and privileges that it never enjoyed before, not even under the Ottoman occupation.”
Le Monde, 7 February 1964


“There is no greater sorrow on earth than the loss of one’s native land”
Euripedes